The Adventus Saxonum in the Chronicon Britannicum

The CBrit appears to indicate why there are differing dates for the Adventus suggested by the HB and the HE. One of the possible dates indicated by the former is 428 and by the latter 447.

HB 66:
“Vortigern reigned in Britain when Theodosius and Valentinian were consuls, and in the fourth year of his reign the Saxons came to Britain, in the consulship of Feliz and Taurus …”[1]

HE II 14:
“So King Edwin, with all the nobles of his race and a vast number of the common people, received the faith and regeneration by holy baptism in the eleventh year of his reign, that is in the year of our Lord 627 and about 180 years after the coming of the English to Britain.”[2]

The CBrit inserts between the entries for the years 413 and 427 the following entry dated, out of sequence, to the year 447:
“Angli in majorem Britanniam venerunt, & Britones inde ejecerunt.”

This suggests that CCCCXLVII (447) may have been a corruption of CCCCXXVII (427), that is although the author was allocating the same date to the event as that in the HE, he was sequencing it in his list in line with a date close to that cited by the HB.

[1] Han, K. W. L., 2008.
[2] McClure, J., Collins, R., 1999, 97.




St. Samson was a generation younger than Illtud and was ordained by him at the abbey of Llanwit Major. There is an inscribed stone at the church there which states it was prepared for the souls of himself and others, one of which is a king called Iuthahelo, that is Ithel. This is likely to be Ithel Hael of Llydaw, thus indicating Llydaw was not only the name for Brittany but also of a region of Glamorgan. Illtud’s father was Bicanus, prince of Llydaw. He may have preceded Erb, king of Gwent and Ergyng, and been conflated with Erbic, a later king. This would suggest Bicanus was of gen. -2 and Illtud of gen. -1. His mother was Rieingulid, daughter of Anblawd, wrongly identified as Amlawdd Wledig.

V. Samsonis states that he was a disciple of St. Germanus but chronology indicates this could not have been the bishop of Auxerre. The V. Ninnochae states:

“Sanctus Germanus episcopus ex Hibernensium regione transmissus a Sancto Patricio archiepiscopo, venit ad Brochanum regem Britanniæ.”[1]

This individual, who was contemporary with the Brychan of gen. -1, is likely to have been the Germanus who ordained Illtud.

[1] Baring-Gould, S., Fisher, J., 1911, 68.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Arthur’s death

Under the year 501 the ASC A has the entry:

“Her cuom Port on Bretene 7 his .ii. suna Bieda 7 Mægla mid .ii. scipum on þære stowe þe is gecueden Portesmuþa 7 ofslogon anne giongne brettiscmonnan, swiþe ęþelne monnan.”
“Here Port and his 2 sons, Bieda and Mægla, came with 2 ships to Britain at the place which is called Portsmouth, and killed a certain young British man – a very noble man.”[1]

It is not usual for the ASC to mention the death of an enemy and if the individual was a nobleman we may be able to identify him. It will be argued that the dating for this event is incorrect. Moreover, the previous entry, for the year 495, and the following entry, for 508, are also suspect of being wrongly dated as they are very similar to the entries for the years 514 and 527 respectively except that some of the names have been altered. The reason why the authors would wish to make duplicate entries for the start of the 6th C is because Arthur’s victories occurred in that time frame and they needed to fill that period.

Æthelweard’s Chronicle has a comment under the year 500 which must have been originally part of the ASC 519 entry as it speaks of the six year gap between arrival and conquest:
“Sexto etiam anno aduentus eorum occidentalem circumierunt Brittanniæ partem, quae nunc Vuestsexe nuncupatur.”
“In the sixth year from their arrival they encircled that western area of Britain now known as Wessex.”[2]

Sims-Williams notes:
“That Æthelweard meant A.D. 500 is confirmed by his comment on Ecgberht’s accession in A.D. 800: ‘From the reign of Cerdic, who was King Ecgberht’s tenth ancestor, 300 years elapsed (reckoned from when he conquered the western area of Britain).’ “[3]

The question arises what is the correct dating for the 501 event. The clue to answering this question is the fact that the entries for the years 514 and 527 have been essentially repeated one Metonic cycle, that is 19 years, earlier. The 519 event could not be repeated wholesale under the year 500 as it would have meant giving two dates for the origin of Wessex with the coronation of Cerdic. The solution was to do a part transfer as indicated by the above quote from the Æthelweard’s Chronicle. The 501 entry has no parallel under the year 520. Instead, it was a transfer from two Metonic cycles, that is from the year 539. This is the date of Camlan and the very noble man is none other than Arthur.

The next question is who were the two individuals, Bieda and Mægla, who brought about Arthur’s demise. They appear in CO as Maelwys son of Baeddan, indicating their probably correct father to son relationship. The identification of Maelwys with Meleagant was made by Chambers.[4] As Meleagant was the name given by Chrétien de Troyes for Melwas we may conclude Mægla was Melwas, the abductor of Gwenhwyfar as indicated by a number of sources including the V. Gildae by Caradoc of Llancarfan.

Bieda appears as Baudemagus in the 13th C French poem Sone de Nansai and as Burmaltus in the pre-Galfridian Modena archivolt which is a representation of Camlan. Mægla appears on the archivolt as Mardoc, a name that eventually evolved into Mordred in the French Romances. Cerdic of Wessex, too, can be identified there as Carrado. The appearance of the name Port in the 501 entry, however, was probably an attempt to give the location an eponymous origin and is not likely to be historical.

August Hunt independently came to the same conclusion that Camlan occurred in the Portsmouth area, see WHY ARTHUR’S CAMLANN IS PROBABLY ‘THE CAMS’ ON PORTSMOUTH HARBOUR, although his thesis is quite different. The Modena archivolt seems to indicate Arthur was attacking a fortress which would have been Portchester Castle.

The HRB states that Arthur was taken to Avalon for healing. The V. Merlini indicates he was transported by water. This may have been a journey along the coast followed by largely travelling up the river Avon and down the river Brue to Glastonbury. However, Arthur was not buried there.

The 501 entry describes Arthur as a young man. He would certainly have had to be younger than, say, 40 for such a description. This indicates his birth must have been around the year 500. The HRB’s claim that he was 15 at his coronation is unlikely to be true and the age probably refers to when he started being noticed as possessing outstanding military skills. It needs to be noted that the word meaning “young”, although present in mss. A and E, is absent from mss. B and C and, therefore, may be a later insertion into the text.

The entries in the ASC from 514 to 544 are one Metonic cycle too early and the repetitions from 495 to 508 have been pre-dated by two cycles. So, for example, Cerdic’s arrival in 495 occurred in 533 and his coronation in 538, a date also suggested by Dumville for the event. This date can be arrived at by subtracting the total for the regnal years given in the 9th C West Saxon Genealogical Regnal List from Alfred’s accession in the year 871.[5]

[1] Swanton, M., 2000, 14.
[2] Campbell, A., 1962, 11.
[3] Sims-Williams, P., 2007, (ed.) Clemeos, P. et al., Anglo-Saxon England vol. 12, 38.
[4] Chambers, E. K.,1927, 213.
[5] Dumville, D. N., 1985


The name Cawrnur occurs in the Kadeir Teyrnon, The Chair of the Prince, which speaks of pale horses under saddle being led from him. In the Marwnat vthyr pen, Uthr Pen[dragon]’s Elegy, there is a reference to an attack on the sons of someone named Cawrnur. Sims-Williams wrote:

“Presumably the fact that Cawrnur and Arthur rhyme partly explains their collocation, but both poems may allude to some lost Arthurian story.”[1]

If we speculate that for the sake of rhyming Cawrnur is a variant of the individuals actual name than a reasonable candidate would be Cawrdaf ap Caradog Freichfras who was of gen 1, see St. Collen. According to triad 13 he was one of the Chief Officers of the Island of Britain. He appears as one of Arthur’s counsellors in Breuddwyd Rhonabwy, The Dream of Rhonabwy, when Osla Gyllellfawr asked for a limited truce.

Gen. ByS 51 ByS J 51 ByS Y(S) 88 ByS Y(S) 89
3 St. Dyfnog St. Dyfnog
2 Medrod Medrod Gwenhwyach Iddew Corn Brydain St. Cathen
1 Cawrdaf Cawrdaf Gocuran Gawr Cawrdaf Cawrdaf
0 Caradog Freichfras Caradog Freichfras Caradog Freichfras Caradog Freichfras
-1 Llŷr Marini Llŷr Marini

Gwenhwyach, the wife of Medrod, was a sister of Gwenhwyfar. TYP 53 indicates a dispute with the two led to Camlan. Iddog Cordd Prydain, Agitator of Britain, was one of the messengers between Arthur and Medrod but he twisted Arthur’s words when reporting them as he was keen for the battle to occur. These hostilities may be what is alluded to in the references to Cawrnur.

However, as Gwenhwyfar would have belonged to gen. 0, the Gwenhwyach of ByS J 51 could not have been the sister of Arthur’s wife. That lady was married to Medrod ap Llew. Moreover, Iddew Corn Brydain of gen. 2 could not have been Iddog Cordd Prydain ap Mynio of gen. 0.

[1] Bromwich, R., Jarman, A.O.H., Roberts, B. F., 1991, 53.

St. Collen

ByS offers two versions of Collen’s pedigree as shown in columns 2 and 3:

Gen. ByS 52 ByS G 34 ByS G 35 B. Collen
4 St. Collen St. Collen
3 Gwennog Ethni Wyddeles Gwennog Ethni Wyddeles
2 St. Collen Coleddog Coleddog Matholwch
1 Pedrwn Cawrdaf St. Melangell Cawrdaf
0 Coleddog Caradog Freichfras [Rhicwlff] Ethni (Wyddeles) Caradog Freichfras
-1 Gwyn Llŷr Marini Tudwal Tudclyd Llŷr Marini Margred
-2 Einion Yrth Cedig Earl of Rhydychen
-3 Cunedda Wledig Dyfnwal Hen
-4 Ednyfed
-5 Macsen Wledig
-6 Llywelyn

Bartrum stated that the earlier one, shown in column 2, was probably more accurate. He reasoned that Ethni Wyddeles, the mother of Collen according to the later version, is in reality the mother of St. Melangell as indicated by ByS G 35 and ByS 53 (not shown above). Note, although Rhicwlff, the father of Melangell, was lost in ByS G 35 he is shown in ByS 53.

In fact, the later pedigree is the correct one and the B. Collen agrees with that version. The mistake that Bartrum made was to accept that the two instances of the name Ethni referred to the same person as was wrongly suggested only by the ByS G version . Evidence that they were not is provided by the Latin life. In it Melangell is said to be contemporary with Brochwel Ysgithrog, king of Powys. Bartum stated this was impossible but column 6 shows she was of gen. 1 and so the story, which explains why she became the patroness of hares, is chronologically correct.

The earlier version has confused Coleddog ap Cawdraf with Coleddog ap Gwyn who, according to triad 74, was an anheol, i.e. one who could not be expelled, of Arthur’s Court. This suggests  he may have been an earlier Coleddog than the individual in Collen’s ancestry and we may speculate that ByS 52 is referring to St. Colan of Cornwall.

The B. Collen relates a story of Collen as abbot of Glastonbury interacting with Gwyn ap Nudd. These two individuals were seperated in time by four generations which explains why the story is legendary in nature. It may be a symbolic reference to Collen removing vestiges of pagan belief from the Glastonbury area.

Tintagel 2017

In 2017, during the dig at Tintagel which was commissioned by English Heritage and done by Cornwall Archaeological Unit, a 7th C inscription was found at the southern terrace which like the 1998 discovery had inscription indicating a mix of different cultures. The dating may be a reference to the fact that the site was a post-Roman occupation from at least the 5th to the 7th C.

Two of the names that appear are Budic and Tito. The former is well-known and appears as an alternative to Emyr Llydaw, amongst other instances. The latter name, Titus, appears on an inscription located at Tawna, Cornwall, see CISP.

The stone will be examined further. I would propose the possibility of there being a third name. I believe what has been interpreted as “viri duo” is a reference to the name “Viridu”. The small circle at the end of that name has been misinterpreted to be an -o-. The use of such a symbol can be seen on the inscription at Lancarffe, also in Cornwall, see CISP.  Charles Thomas interpreted that to mean “of”. So the first part of the inscription states:

“Titus the son of Viridius” or “Titus the son of Viridus”.

The final name has been written incorrectly as “Viridu” where the -u- is an error for -ii- or -i-. The same mistake was made at Lanivet, in Cornwall, as pointed out by Thomas, see CISP.

The gens Viridia was a Roman family. The name is related to that of the Celtic god Viridius or Viridios. Dedications to him as well as a possible image were found at Ancaster, Lincolnshire. It has been suggested that the name may refer to “virile” or “verdant” and to associations with the Green Man.

Deo Viridio Stone from Ancaster. Author – Gfawkes05.

Time Team Stone Inscription from Ancaster. Author – Gfawkes05.

Carving from Ancaster. Photographer – The Portable Antiquities Scheme, Adam Daubney.

Viridius appears in the Arthurian Romance as Gweirydd ap Llew, the brother of Gwalchmai. He may be a doublet for Gareth. Their names appear in the Marchogion y Vort Gron (Soldiers of the Round Table). In the Vulgate cycle these names appear as Guerrehes and Gaheries respectively. He may have been Gwair dathar Weinidog with the cognomen Adarweinidog ([having] bird-servants or servant of birds) who appears in CO and had the daughter Tangwen.

Since Gweirydd’s mother was Gwyar, the daughter of Gwrlais and Eigr, it is not surprising for his name to appear at Tintagel. Nor so with Budic since Gwyar was first married to Emyr Llydaw and then to Llew ap Cynfarch. The name that the HRB gives for ByB’s Emyr Llydaw is Budic. That these figures of the Arthurian tradition are to be considered historical is a reflection of the fact that Gwalchmai belongs to its earliest stratum.

Maeswig Gloff and Mar ap Ceneu

Bartrum argued that Maeswig and Mar were names for the same individual. However, to understand why this was not the case we need to begin with Onnengreg f. Gwallog m. Lleenog who ByS 48 tells us was the wife of Meurig ab Idno:

Gen. ByS 48 ByA 13 ByS 12
3 Elaeth Frenin
2 Meurig Onnengreg Meurig Mabon Deiniol
1 Idno Gwallog Idno Dunod Fwr Dwywai
0 Lleenog Meirchion Pabo Post Prydyn Lleenog

ByA 13 provides additional information that Meurig had a brother named Mabon and that Idno was the son of Meirchion. We may, therefore, conclude Meirchion and Lleenog were of the same generation. The question is which generation. Bartrum adopts the view that the father of Idno was Meirchion Gul, an assertion that appears in the ByS G 54 of c. 1510, see diagram below.

Descendants of Ceneu

However, this descent, which implies Idno’s father belonged to gen. -1, is not shown in any other source. ByS 12, see the table above, shows Lleenog belonged to the same generation as Pabo Post Prydyn who is known to have belonged to gen. 0, see Pabo and Sawyl, allowing us to conclude Meirchion and Lleenog were also of that generation. We may now maintain that Maeswig Gloff, the  father of Lleenog, was the son of Mar ap Ceneu as shown in the table below.

Gen. HG 9 JC 36 ByA 28c
2 (Beli)
1 Gwallog Gwallog Rhun Perweur
0 Lleenog Lleenog Rhun Ryfeddfawr
-1 Maeswig Gloff [Maeswig Gloff] Einion
-2 [Mar] Mar Mar
-3 Ceneu [Ceneu] Ceneu
-4 Coel Hen Coel Hen Coel Hen

ByA 28c demonstrates that Mar belonged to gen. -2 and so we can discount the possibility tha Maeswig was the father of Mar. Curiously,  Bartrum’s assertion, whether right or wrong, that Ceredig ap Gwallog died in 620 is more in line with my analysis rather than his own.